On July 6, 2012, Paolo Zampolli offered to represent Ghislaine Maxwell at the United Nations.
Her TerraMar project had just welcomed him as a citizen of her imaginary nation representing the Oceans. Eighteen minutes later, he emailed her with a list of things he said he could do.
“I want to talk more and see how I can help.”
He described his work on South Sudan’s recognition, Kosovo and Palestinian membership at the UN. Then he made his offer.
“I can be your UN permanent representative.”
The next sentence concerned passports which perhaps is the most plausible reason for TerraMar’s existence
“I know a good company were you can get real passports done they did them for many countries.”
Maxwell replied from London.
“Ohh that sounds amazing.”
She wanted to talk. (Exhibit 13.)
TerraMar had offered Zampolli a symbolic citizenship in support of the oceans. He answered with diplomatic representation and a company that made passports for countries.
Seven months later, he put another offer before Prince Bandar bin Sultan.
The subject was “RE + UN.”
“HRH PRINCE BANDAR,” he began.
Zampolli had an “exclusive confidential possibility” to acquire apartments in bulk at Trump SoHo. The minimum investment was $10 million. He advertised a guaranteed five-percent capitalization rate for five years and supplied comparable listings.
Below the apartment prices, he turned to Saudi Arabia’s campaign for seats on the UN Security Council and Human Rights Council.
“HRH on another note.”
Zampolli claimed he had helped Morocco win 166 votes in an earlier Security Council election. He asked Bandar to find out whether the Saudi foreign ministry wanted support from his region.
“I now have 3 CARICOM countries.”
He closed with his highest consideration for the kingdom and their “possible future business.” He signed as a special representative of the prime minister of St. Kitts and Nevis. (Exhibit 09.)
What’s extraordinary is how plainly he put the two offers together.
He offered Bandar an investment in Trump-branded property. Then he offered help securing Caribbean diplomatic support. He used a government title to sign the email.
The correspondence records no agreement to exchange apartments for votes. It records Zampolli approaching a prince with both—and presenting himself as someone who could deliver.
By then, he had also established contact with Russia’s UN mission.
In September 2012, he thanked a Russian diplomat for a meeting with Ambassador Vitaly Churkin the previous week. He reported progress on a tiger-conservation event at the United Nations and asked that Churkin and Ambassador Sergey Kislyak be informed.
He discussed the secretary-general’s office, a gathering at the Waldorf Astoria and invitations to Russian officials. The work concerned conservation. It also gave him reasons to call, meet and invite senior diplomats. (Exhibit 15.)
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